Swapo’s Authoritarian Populism

Former liberation movements have a mixed track record as governments.

New elites in political power do not live up to their promises. A lack of delivery is disguised by heroic narratives of a patriotic history.

This is a classic case of wearing the emperor’s new clothes.

Swapo epitomises the problem of a mindset stuck in the so-called struggle days. Those were anything but glorious, rather a partisan memory culture to justify remaining in control of the state.

LIMITS TO LIBERATION

Anti-colonial movements in power have already been criticised by Frantz Fanon in ‘The Wretched of the Earth’.

As a party, it “controls the masses . . . to remind them constantly that the government expects from them obedience and discipline”.

Similarly, Artur dos Santos published ‘Mayombe’ under the pseudonym ‘Pepetela’ in 1979.

He was a member of a guerrilla unit at the Cabinda enclave front in Angola. In a revealing dialogue, the commander of the guerrilla unit, Sem Medo (‘Fearless’), tells the political commissioner Mundo Novo (‘New World’): “We don’t share the same ideals . . .

“You are the machine type, one of those who are going to set up the unique, all-powerful party in Angola.”

‘Mayombe’ is widely considered one of the most pertinent revelations on unmasking power structures, laying bare the internal dynamics of struggle mentalities.

While anachronistic and degrading systems of racist minority rule based on oppression and exploitation were abolished, new elites reproduced essential features of colonial rule.

These are disguised in heroic struggle narratives of populist authoritarianism, which claim the people owe their liberators for the sacrifices they made.

The struggle slogan of ‘a luta continua’ was perverted into ‘the looting continues’.

South African analyst William Gumede presents a long list of the failures, including one-partyism, ethnic politics, leadership cults, party-state fusion, political intolerance, a culture of secrecy, a cult of violence, permanent entitlement, and moral bankruptcy.

TOXIC LEGACY

Liberation struggles were hardly favourable for the creation and durable strengthening of human rights, civil liberties and democratic norms based on transparency and accountability of governance.

Former liberation movements display their centralised authoritarian nature by mirroring the legacy of armed struggles against oppression.

Tolerating the repression of internal dissent by brute force, the front-line states hosting the Zimbabwean, South African and Namibian liberation movements were complicit in the unfolding of an authoritarian, oppressive political culture.

While internal dissent was eliminated in the exile camps, bonds of comradeship were forged and a strict discipline reinforced repressive hierarchies.

As governing parties these movements gloss over their less than heroic track records.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa also engaged with the human rights violations by the ANC.

Nelson Mandela publicly apologised.

Being a prisoner on Robben Island and not directly implicated or personally responsible might have made it easier for Madiba.

In contrast, president Thabo Mbeki prevented the publication of the full findings.

Marianne Thamm disclosed in Daily Maverick that the Khampepe Commission, currently investigating the alleged political interference into TRC prosecutions, “has heard how ANC leaders from exile brought a culture of suspicion and hierarchy to South Africa’s democratic governance”.

They “preferred old struggle hierarchies to their new government leadership roles as civil servants and brought to their new roles the paranoia, suspicion and mistrust stemming from exile”.

Perpetuating an insider culture when executing governance was also observed in Namibia by former diplomat Paul Shipale: “Liberation credentials, once a source of moral legitimacy, risk evolving into enduring entitlement.

“The historical narrative that unified the country, ‘One Namibia, One Nation’, is strained by practices that quietly privilege insiders over citizens.”

Namibia has refused to engage in a TRC.

HEROIC CRIMES?

Swapo’s heroic liberation narrative of a patriotic history is inscribed in the North Korean built Heroes’ Acre.

But the selectivity of struggle idolisation has flaws, and liberation legitimacy shows wear and tear. The self-righteousness among those carrying the banner of a liberation mindset deepens a we-they divide.

In exile, Swapo silenced critical voices from the early 1970s.

The first waves of repression in Zambia were followed by the horror of Lubango.

When Solomon Hawala died aged 89 on 11 August 2025, it brought back traumatic memories of heinous crimes.

Known as the ‘Butcher of Lubango’, he was the hands-on personification of a brutal regime. As observed by former detainee Oiva Angula, Hawala “was the military henchman who, more than any other, enforced the brutal atrocities”.

Refusing to acknowledge the large-scale human rights violations, president Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah declared: “His legacy will forever be etched in the annals of our history, serving as a constant reminder of the sacrifices made for our freedom.

“As we memorialise the life of this iconic figure of the Namibian revolution, we celebrate a life spent in pursuit of freedom, peace, unity, and prosperity for all Namibian people and beyond.”

Hawala was awarded the status of a national hero, a state funeral, and recognised for his “unwavering dedication to the cause of Namibia’s liberation and nation-building. His legacy remains a symbol of courage, patriotism, and commitment to the ideals of freedom and independence.”

THE FEAR FACTOR

The Swapo Party’s secretary general praised him as “a fearless freedom fighter who struck fear into the hearts of oppressors and ignited hope in the souls of the oppressed”.

A former Swapo member of parliament said Hawala was merely acting on Swapo’s instructions.

He said people “were killed with the knowledge of senior Swapo leaders, those who were in the politburo and military council”.

A former police commissioner said Hawala “did not decide on his own to kill people, he was implementing Swapo’s decisions”.

President Nandi-Ndaitwah echoed this reasoning.

Having left for exile in the early 1970s, she married Epaphras Denga Ndaitwah, then a leading commander of Swapo’s armed wing, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia, in 1983.

At Hawala’s funeral, she said: “During the darkest hours of our struggle for independence, comrade Hawala provided our people with hope, inspiration and impeccable military leadership.

“He belongs to a galaxy of selfless martyrs. The glorious stories and memories of comrade Hawala and other heroes and heroines deserve to be preserved.”

DENIALISM FUELS TOTALITARIANISM

If there is anything noteworthy about this episode, it is not that Swapo violated human rights; that was an integral feature and practice in most liberation movements.

Different is the claim that the mass killing of members was a heroic act of liberation.

Unapologetically praising the perpetrators as heroic struggle icons adds insult to injury for their victims.

In her Heroes Day speech on 26 August 2025, the president declared: “Our story must be told from generation to generation. It is a tale of courage, sacrifice and resilience.”

Such selectivity shows the hollowness of ‘Solidarity, Freedom, Justice’ and ‘One Namibia, One Nation’.

The dominant mindset in Swapo is a version of the slogan during the so-called struggle days – that ‘Swapo is the nation, and the nation is Swapo’.

This trajectory underlines the totalitarian tendencies in former liberation movements as governments.

As social scientist Ndumba Kamwanyah has warned: “A liberation movement that cannot reflect on its own excesses risks replicating the same authoritarian tendencies it once opposed.”

• Henning Melber was a member of Swapo from 1974 to 2025.
• This is a summary of a paper he presented at the ‘Geographies of Fascism and Authoritarianism in Global Africa’ conference organised by the School of Geography and the Environment at Oxford University.

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